The Taliban group faces extensive criticism for barring Afghan girls from education beyond the sixth grade, with even its staunchest supporters and lobbyists unable to justify this stance. This policy is deemed so unreasonable that it has not garnered support from even the most extremist religious groups like ISIS, let alone others. The Taliban’s governance in this regard appears as an aberration, unseen in any Muslim or non-Muslim country. Unless this issue is addressed, no avenue for engagement based on international laws and agreements will be viable with this group.
The Taliban group is composed of several factions, and at least three wings can be distinguished from afar. Firstly, the ideological wing centered around Mullah Hibatullah, second, the pragmatist wing centered around the negotiators of this group in Doha, and thirdly, the simple and uninformed foot soldiers unaware of the political machinations and intelligence plans behind the scenes. The ideological wing of this group pays no attention to global pressures or people’s dissatisfaction, only contemplating the adaptation of Sharia law according to their particular conception of it. The foot soldiers of this group are also loyal to their religious leaders and interpret any action on their part as in line with the interests of the Islamic system. Unless a significant change is observed, this fragile trust will not be shaken. Only the pragmatist wing of this group is concerned about the irrationality of depriving girls of education, as it can anticipate the consequences for the future of this group’s governance in Afghanistan.
The pragmatist faction within the Taliban group comprises a few political figures who neither hold deep beliefs in Taliban ideology nor have any regard for human rights values. Instead, they are opportunists who have found their way into the Taliban’s ranks due to intelligence affiliations and seek their interests by pretending to be Taliban sympathizers. Members of this faction have lived comfortably for years in Pakistan, then relocated to Doha for a lavish lifestyle. They view Taliban governance as a golden opportunity to amass wealth and enjoy luxurious benefits, hence their concerns about the Taliban leadership’s policies regarding girls’ education, women’s employment, and some other matters contrary to international agreements. They believe in preserving the current governance at any cost and are willing to compromise on certain religious and ideological matters to ensure this golden opportunity is not missed. This group focuses on internal and external revenue sources and prioritizes seizing control of the country’s economic arteries. They exploit the Taliban’s cover for their economic goals and do not think beyond that.
For the pragmatist faction of the Taliban, the situation of Afghan girls and the future of women in this country are of no importance, as this faction has been alongside the group for years, understanding its ideology, and has spared no effort to legitimize it, especially in negotiations and political activities to its advantage abroad. It was this faction that constantly painted the picture of a changing Taliban to the world while knowing it wasn’t true. Now, their main concern is that their extensive interests at home and abroad may be jeopardized by these policies, and such a lucrative opportunity may never be repeated in their lifetime.
The Taliban’s pragmatist faction consistently emphasizes in negotiations with foreigners and even with domestic political figures critical of the Taliban’s soft policies, that the current situation is temporary and transient, and eventually, the world will see a changed Taliban. This faction has proposed a solution for girls’ education to the international community and promised that the Taliban leadership will also be convinced of it, which is to implement religious school curricula for girls across Afghanistan and indoctrinate all Afghan girls into the faith. According to this faction’s belief, if the Taliban leadership is assured that all Afghan girls will become students of religion, then the motivation to oppose girls’ education will diminish, and the group’s fighters will not accuse their leadership of compromising with the West. In the view of this faction, any semblance of openness in girls’ education, in any form, will help Taliban sympathizers in the West to operate more comfortably, using it as leverage for legitimizing the group.
The fundamental problem of the Taliban’s pragmatist faction lies in its position within the group, akin to a peripheral member in a body, primarily existing for political display and maneuvering. In a group like the Taliban, what strengthens one’s position is either military prowess or ideological standing. Hence, the most powerful elements among the Taliban are either military commanders who have led forces on the battlefield over the years or the clerics who hold the intellectual and ideological treasury of the group, legitimizing their war efforts. The pragmatists are the group’s fifth wheel, lacking influence in the realm of war or leadership, and their only success lies in amassing wealth and benefiting from luxurious opportunities. Those who take the words of this faction seriously have yet to understand the true nature of the Taliban.
If the people of Afghanistan still have a chance, it lies in the pragmatists not being the main players, as part of the tragedy that befell Afghanistan was the result of the deception and deceit perpetrated by this faction in the Doha negotiations. In practice, the approach of this faction is to impose Talibanism on the people of Afghanistan softly and insidiously, gradually turning the country into the largest bastion of religious extremism, without provoking the wrath of anyone for this group’s anti-human rights policies.
If girls’ education is transformed into religious schools, a new phase of tragedy will begin in Afghanistan, plunging the country into a quagmire of sectarian wars. Indoctrinating millions of girls and turning them into tools of the Taliban’s feminine arm will bring about a catastrophe spanning generations, as Taliban ideology will permeate the very fabric of people’s lives, pitting spouses, mothers and children, friends, and acquaintances against each other. While this may yield short-term gains for the Taliban and their supporters, in the long run, it will result in a war of all against all for the people of Afghanistan, where Muslims and Hindus, Shiites and Sunnis, Sufis and Salafis, Hanafis and Ismailis, Ikhwans and Deobandi, and Safi and Panjpiri will line up against each other in opposing ranks.
