It appears that one of the few remaining glimmers of hope in our disaster–stricken land, infected with perilous fear and despair, is also slowly fading away. Although this situation was foreseeable from the very beginning, we would like this one to have a different outcome and not succumb to the fate of other protest movements in Afghanistan. This optimism is not merely childish; rather, given the various circumstances arising from the imposition of the most oppressive anti–feminist restrictions, it is thought that women may not cease their resistance.
It is undeniable that men have been greatly oppressed by the Taliban, however, women‘s suffering is more intolerable due to the patriarchal system that governs Afghan society, granting them fewer rights and privileges than men.
In even the most democratic and developed countries, politics is still largely patriarchal. This is especially true in underdeveloped countries such as Afghanistan, where women are denied basic rights such as education, work, sports, and recreation, and are not allowed to protest against the political system or challenge religious barbarism. It is believed that women‘s resistance is more tenacious and stable than men‘s armed resistance, which had been waning before the women‘s protest began and has now almost ceased. Nevertheless, the current women‘s resistance in Afghanistan is facing serious challenges, which I am attempting to address to the best of my ability.
Religiosity and Patriarchal Society
In a society where women are often degraded due to the prevalence of religious and patriarchal beliefs, such as the idea that women should remain at home to raise their children rather than protest in the streets, women are still protesting. This is despite the fact that men, from fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons to religious leaders and rulers, expect women to accept their authority without question. In such a society, women are only allowed to pursue education and go to the market for shopping and work, but are not permitted to challenge the patriarchal system or oppose the autocratic political system.
When women challenge religious orthodoxy and patriarchal structures, there is no longer a distinction between religious leaders and “intellectuals“. Everyone is united in their opposition to women‘s resistance, in an effort to return them to their former subjugated position so that society does not “deviate“. Dealing with female resistance takes two forms: the first, active and visible, is currently being carried out by the Taliban and those who share their views; the second, passive and invisible, is enacted by highly religious and traditional men and women. In Afghanistan, many men have an inner Taliban that is sometimes revealed and sometimes concealed.
The women‘s protest has not been able to garner the support of men due to the fact that most men in Afghanistan view these protests with disdain, claiming that women are too weak to make a difference. They lack the courage to stand up to the increasing prevalence of Islamic extremism and are unable to accept that women have demonstrated more courage than them and have done their utmost to challenge the Taliban regime.
If the rest of society does not support the movements, they will eventually dissipate as the protestors‘ anger and rebellion are replaced by despair and passivity. This does not mean that women‘s resistance in Afghanistan has been defeated and ended, however. Depending on the current situation, the protests may resurge and become even more intense. Women‘s protests will continually disrupt the Taliban‘s comfort, reminding them that women‘s anger will remain steadfast.
Corruption in Political Parties and Women‘s Rights Organizations
In the wake of the 9/11 incident and the subsequent Western invasion of Afghanistan, the establishment of political parties suddenly became commonplace, with more than a hundred parties entering the political arena, each touting popular slogans. Most of these parties, which had emerged from the transformation of Jihadi organizations, the split of the People‘s Democratic Party, and the addresses of Maoist organizations, lacked a mass base and were thus registered and licensed by the Ministry of Justice of the previous government by renting or buying people‘s National Identity Cards. These financially dependent parties not only failed to do anything for the people, but became part of the common corruption in the government supported by the Westerners, and ultimately returned to their donors.
Parties and groups affiliated with Western countries were able to gain scholarships, medals, and a livelihood through these battles. However, those who were less connected or did not understand the “art“ of obtaining projects only received documents for an activity license, which were not often issued. The parties that were able to acquire bonuses and their NGO–building and fundraising programs flourished; their primary activities were to organize demonstrations with hired people, which were mainly intended to draw the attention of Western embassies (donors) rather than the people. These parties did not take any radical or sustainable steps to help institutionalize women‘s rights or combat the religiosity and patriarchy that dominated Afghan society; instead, by using women as tools and launching demagogic programs, they inadvertently perpetuated misogyny and minimized the role of women.
In this manner, the first attempt at party building after the introduction of democracy, in which parties are the most important component of its implementation, in Afghanistan resulted in an educational yet disheartening failure. Had the political parties held a high level of influence among the people and had the ability to put pressure on the Taliban regime, women would not be the only ones bearing the burden of resisting the anti–feminist restrictions of the Taliban today, and this group would also not be able to act without fear and caution and the Taliban would not be so relentless in suppressing protesting women.
Many organizations claiming to defend women‘s rights in Afghanistan have not only done fundamental and sustainable work for Afghan women, but have also contributed to the current disastrous situation of women in the same way as political parties. The officials of these organizations, who began a profitable business under the guise of defending women‘s rights in Afghanistan and now live comfortably in Western countries, have not yet given up on their “defending women‘s rights“ business. They are still attempting to “represent“ the protesting women in Afghanistan under the rule of the Taliban in international meetings, which has provoked the reaction of the protesting women. The only thing that these “women‘s rights defenders“ celebrities in the West sometimes wish to do is to salute the courage and pride of the protesting women; however, if there is another opportunity to take a project and continue their “defending women‘s rights“ business, I am sure that these avaricious and hypocritical businesspeople will come back to make more money.
Mentioning and emphasizing these factors should not lead us to be pessimistic about the future of Afghan women‘s courageous resistance against Taliban cruelty. By bringing up the difficulties and obstacles of women‘s protest, we are encouraging them to be more cautious and rely on their own independent strength to devise effective protest strategies, rather than looking to any foreign leader or foreign government. Celebrities who advocate for women‘s rights and liberal Western governments are more concerned with their own interests than with the plight of women in Afghanistan under the control of the Taliban.
Read this article in Farsi here.
