The contemporary history of Afghanistan has witnessed significant events, each leaving lasting repercussions and potentially impacting future generations. Among these events, the 8th of Saur, which marks the anniversary of the mujahideen’s victory against the former Soviet-backed regime, holds historical significance in Afghanistan’s calendar. It warrants examination from various perspectives. Typically, historical events are scrutinized to evaluate and reconstruct the present time. Here, as we discuss the 8th of Saur, we endeavor to highlight the lessons that can be learned from this significant historical event.
The Struggle Without Theory
When the Soviet-backed communists seized power, they systematically acted against indigenous values, resorting to extremism. Unaware that such actions would incite the populace against them and erode their power, their extremism inadvertently strengthened Islamic forces, facilitating their mobilization against the ruling regime. The strength of the mujahideen stemmed not only from the persuasive efforts of their theoretical leaders but also from the instinctive need of diverse segments of society to resist oppression. Consequently, the mujahideen’s fight against the Red Army and its puppet regime lacked a coherent theory for victory. While mujahideen leaders spoke of an “Islamic government,” they lacked a clear and comprehensive vision of it. When asked about the nature and structure of the “Islamic government,” one of these leaders responded that they would contemplate it upon seizing power. Some of the tragedies that occurred post-mujahideen victory stemmed, on one hand, from foreign interventions and the complexities of Afghanistan’s situation, fresh from a war with a superpower. On the other hand, they originated from the inability of mujahideen elites to engage in theoretical discourse and strategize for the establishment of a future state. Naturally, people devoid of governance experience and unaware of the requirements of an efficient political system would become confused and commit fatal mistakes upon attaining power.
The lesson drawn from this narrative is clear: a struggle devoid of theory leads to disaster and places individuals whose collective interests are not prioritized at the helm, diverting the course of the struggle based on their crude fantasies.
The Promotion of Religious Extremism
As the Soviet-installed government gained power in Afghanistan and the Red Army subsequently marched into the country, Afghanistan became a battleground between East and West. Alongside the communist regime’s efforts to eradicate religion, Western powers inadvertently fueled religious extremism. They believed that supporting extremist religious groups to mobilize Muslim sentiments against the Soviet occupation was a valid tactic, turning a blind eye to the ramifications. Some American political figures even ventured near Afghanistan’s borders, disregarding liberal values and framing the conflict as one between religious zealotry and atheism. Consequently, during that time, most aid among Afghan mujahideen factions flowed to the more extreme and militant groups. However, it didn’t take long for these groups to become a serious headache for the West, culminating in events like the September 11 attacks in the United States, orchestrated by the very groups once favored by Western policymakers. The aftermath of September 11 dragged the United States back into Afghanistan, resulting in two decades of military presence. The West inadvertently ignited a fire that not only consumed itself but also determined the fate of generations of Afghans.
Sometimes, short-term tactics are employed without foreseeing the unintended consequences that may affect millions for years, even harming the architects of those tactics.
Strengthening the Role of the Mullahs
Before the revolution, Mullahs were marginalized members of society, residing on the fringes of social life. The 7th of Saur (April 27, 1978) coup marked the beginning of profound societal, economic, and political transformations in Afghanistan. As religion gained prominence, Mullahs, viewing themselves as custodians of religious affairs, ascended to the forefront of society. People sought to educate their children in religious schools, primarily located in tribal areas of Pakistan. The Taliban emerged from these schools, swiftly becoming the dominant player nationwide. Now, three years into their resurgence, the Taliban strive to prioritize Mullahs and appoint individuals with religious education to key government positions. Thousands of religious schools across the country educate hundreds of thousands of students, perpetuating religious teachings. The Taliban recognize the significance of these schools in bolstering their governance. The pervasive presence of thousands of religious schools in Afghanistan, coupled with the sidelining of modern education, ensnares successive Afghan generations in perilous ideologies, transforming the country into a hub for religious extremism and sectarian regression.
While the Afghan people’s resistance against Soviet occupation and its puppet regime was commendable in saving Afghanistan from Soviet occupation, the turbulence it generated allowed reactionary forces to take the helm temporarily, turning the country into a breeding ground for the most extremist militias.
The Pivotal Role of External Powers in Afghanistan’s Transformations
Events unfolding since the 7th of Saur coup, including the resurgence of the Taliban, have illuminated the continuous determining role of foreign actors in Afghanistan’s developments. As long as the Soviet Union supported the communist regime, it managed to sustain itself. However, as Soviet backing diminished, the regime collapsed. The mujahideen government also struggled due to the lack of full support from a major regional or super-regional power and faced internal turmoil. Similarly, the collapse of the Taliban in 2001 came at the hands of the United States, with Afghan people’s resistance playing a minimal role. The republic system survived only as long as it enjoyed Western support, swiftly faltering upon its withdrawal. The return of the Taliban, too, was endorsed by the West, following the signing of the Doha Agreement between the Taliban and the United States. The Taliban, adhering to commitments made to Americans, were allowed to seize power. The generous economic aid from the United States and other Western countries to the Taliban regime vividly illustrates the underlying dynamics. Recently, Gulbuddin Hekmatyar, the leader of the Islamic Party, implied that the Taliban receive weekly payments from the United States and, in return, collaborate in suppressing anti-American groups, even allowing American drones to operate freely in Afghan skies.
Despite growing discontent among the people of Afghanistan with the Taliban’s governance, no significant challenge to the group’s rule has arisen from its opponents so far. The general perception among the populace is that the Taliban have been empowered by the Americans, and unless one of the major powers decides to overthrow them, armed or even non-violent resistance against this group will yield little tangible results. It’s evident that the masses, considering past experiences, view the role of foreign actors in shaping Afghanistan’s events as a determinant, even to the extent of extremism in this regard.
You can read the Persian version of this analysis here: