You can read part 2 here: Part 2 – The Enemies of the Taliban
Introduction
Like any political-military movement, the Taliban has friends and enemies. To better understand the current situation in Afghanistan and to provide an effective strategy for combating this group, it is essential to thoroughly know who these friends and enemies are. If you do not know your friends and enemies well, you cannot achieve success in battling your enemies. This is a simple and common principle, and it seems everyone is aware of its importance. However, it appears that oversimplifying this principle has led to it being greatly overlooked. All those who claimed to know the Taliban during the twenty years of Western presence in Afghanistan demonstrated how delusional they were, and as a result, their approach toward this group was wrong, or rather disastrous. Neither the Westerners had a good understanding of the Taliban as an extremist Islamic group that fights with a high level of ideological motivation until death, nor did the Taliban’s domestic opponents, from technocrats to former jihadists, fully comprehend the dangerous group they were facing, and the consequences of this negligence and underestimation became clear.
The Taliban’s domestic opponents were so immersed in the intoxication of wealth and power that, until the signing of the Doha Agreement between the U.S. and the Taliban, it never occurred to them that the foreign forces, supposedly supporters of the republic, would soon leave. After the signing of this agreement, everyone realized what was being prepared in Afghanistan, but by then it was too late. The Taliban did not give their enemies a chance to learn from their mistakes and adopt a new approach. Now that more than three years have passed since the Taliban’s return to power, the enemies of this group remain confused and disoriented, still unable to devise an effective strategy to confront the Taliban and its allies. The forces actively engaged in the fight against the Taliban lack significant cohesion and coordination, and because of this, they have not yet been able to challenge the regime established in Kabul as expected. This article aims to critically assess the performance of the Taliban’s enemies over the past three years. If we can identify the mistakes, challenges, and capacities of those forces who consider themselves enemies of the group and who, instead of seeking compromise, beat the drum of resistance, we will have taken an important step toward developing a comprehensive and effective strategy for resisting the Taliban, which would be a great success.
Women
Over the past three years, the women’s protest movement has outshone all other groups claiming to resist the Taliban. Despite all its shortcomings and deficiencies, it continues to be active. The most important factor that could guarantee the continuation of the women’s resistance in Afghanistan is that the Taliban will not leave women alone. If they were to ensure women’s basic rights and refrain from obstructing them, there would be no news of resistance and street protests. However, in the primitive mindset of the Taliban, women are symbols of evil and corruption and must be strictly controlled and subdued. This regressive group believes that by imprisoning women, they fulfill their religious duty and guide humanity toward the right path. Women are the central focus in the Taliban’s thinking—not because women have the right to enjoy the privileges of a modern citizen, but because all the rights and privileges of a modern human must be stripped from them. Misogyny is a vital necessity for the Taliban’s existence. If this group were to grant women their rights, it would lose its essence and become something else. Are the Taliban willing to change? No. They would happily accept death, but not change.
Since the Taliban refuses to change and, with each passing day, tightens its restrictions on women, the only option left for women is to continue resisting the world’s most misogynistic regime. More than any other force, the Taliban’s actions themselves give women the motivation to continue this fight and extend the lifespan of their resistance. As long as the Taliban do not stop their restrictive measures against women and do not restore the rights taken from them, the struggle of the most deprived class of society against the authoritarian Taliban regime will continue. There is no doubt that the severe suppression has led to a reduction in women’s protests. However, what is important is the continuation of this resistance under the shadow of one of the most terrifying and oppressive religious regimes in the region—a regime that cannot tolerate even the smallest protest against its inhumane actions and aims to turn the people into obedient and subservient subjects. Even if the women’s resistance diminishes further, it will not lose its significance. The mere existence of this resistance under Taliban rule in Afghanistan is heartening and promising.
Nonetheless, women are protesting in a society where most citizens, infected by the virus of religious indoctrination and patriarchy, have a condescending view of women: women should stay at home and raise their children, not protest in the streets. Women should accept what men say. These men include everyone—from fathers, husbands, brothers, and sons to mullahs and national leaders. In such a society, women can ultimately study, go shopping, and work, but they cannot question male dominance or stand up against the authoritarian political system. When women challenge religious indoctrination and patriarchy, there is no longer any difference between a mullah and an “intellectual.” All unite in standing against the women’s resistance to prevent society from becoming “deviant.” The opposition to women’s resistance manifests in two forms: active and visible, and passive and invisible. The former is currently being carried out by the Taliban and their sympathizers, while the latter comes from men and even traditional and religiously indoctrinated women. In Afghanistan, most men have an inner Taliban that sometimes reveals itself openly and sometimes remains hidden.
So far, women’s protests have not been able to gain widespread support from men because most men in Afghanistan view these protests with disdain: “What is a woman and her protest worth?” They neither dare to resist the growing wave of Islamic extremism themselves nor the bravery to admit that women have shown more pride and, as much as they could, challenged the Taliban regime. However, movements that fail to garner support from other forces in society eventually subside, as the anger and rebellion of protesters give way to despair and passivity. The decline of protests, however, does not mean the defeat or end of women’s resistance in Afghanistan. Given the current situation, protests may flare up again and become even more intense. Women’s protests, like a thorn in the Taliban’s side, will periodically remind them that women’s anger will not leave this group in peace.
You can read the Persian version of this analysis here:
بخش اول – دشمنان طالبان | روزنامه ۸صبح
You can read part 2 here: Part 2 – The Enemies of the Taliban
