Executive summary
This report provides an in-depth analysis of Abdul Hamid Khorasani, a prominent Tajik commander formerly aligned with the Taliban, known for his leadership of the “Badri Unit” and his shifting allegiances amidst Afghanistan’s volatile political landscape. Utilizing Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT), the report reveals Khorasani’s operations from a fortified villa on Kabul’s northern outskirts, which functions as both his residence and a private detention facility. The analysis geolocates his base, identifies his militia’s armaments and personnel, and highlights his complex relationship with the Taliban leadership, particularly the Haqqani network.
Recent intelligence indicates potential connections between Khorasani and the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP). Video evidence and social media posts suggest his unit includes former ISKP operatives, raising suspicions of a strategic pivot toward this rival group. His vocal criticisms of the Taliban’s ethnic policies and the emerging power struggle within its ranks further complicate his position.
With his recent arrest by the Taliban following controversial statements about Iran, Khorasani’s future remains uncertain. This report examines whether he will continue to exploit internal divisions within the Taliban or formalize an alliance with anti-Taliban factions like ISKP, influencing Afghanistan’s shifting militant dynamics.
Background
Abdul Hamid Khorasani, also known by the alias Nasser Badri, is a Tajik commander from the Panjshir Valley in Afghanistan. Formerly aligned with the Taliban, he served as a key figure in the Badri Unit, although without any official designation. After relocating from Panjshir to Kabul, Khorasani was reportedly provided with a villa on the city’s northern outskirts, near the Kabul-Mazar road. This villa has been used as his personal residence, a base for his militia, and, notably, a private detention facility where prisoners are allegedly held in the basement.
Analysis of Khorasani’s Residence
Open-Source Intelligence (OSINT) analysis has identified Khorasani’s residence as a four-story villa. The villa has two main entrances: the southwestern entrance, which is primarily used by Khorasani’s militia, known as the “Badri Karwan.” This entrance also serves as the point through which prisoners are brought in and detained in the basement. The second entrance, located on the western side, appears to be reserved for general use, including guests, though no evidence of family members, such as women, children, or elderly individuals, has been observed on the premises.
Further OSINT analysis, including a video from Khorasani’s fourth wedding, confirmed the villa’s location, as the convoy seen in the footage was geolocated back to this address (see Figure 2).
In another video interview, at least seven CCTV cameras were observed around the villa, with three positioned outside to cover the northwest, southwest, and east, and three more inside, covering the courtyard and stairways. The position of the seventh camera remains undetermined. (see Figure 3)
On 21 November 2022, a video surfaced claiming the release of Khorasani’s brother from a private prison, allegedly on charges of selling weapons in Panjshir, the private prison is reportedly controlled by Mawlawi Musafir, an ally of the Taliban. The brother was delivered by a vehicle bearing a dark yellow stripe and marked “GDI” — an acronym for the Taliban’s General Directorate of Intelligence. This vehicle, which had no visible license plates, was seen outside Khorasani’s villa (see Figure 4), suggesting his connections with high-level Taliban officials, particularly from the Haqqani network.
Badri Karwan (Badri Unit) Under Khorasani
Khorasani’s relationship with the Taliban leadership is notably strained, characterized by a series of disagreements and fluctuating alliances. After being appointed to roles in Paktia and Panjshir, Khorasani returned to Kabul without any official title despite commanding a heavily armed unit and publicly declaring his allegiance to the Haqqani faction, which has afforded him certain privileges. His unit, “Badri Karwan,” comprises approximately 35 active fighters (see Figure 5), with an additional 5 to 8 personnel in non-combat roles.
The soldiers are equipped with various weapons (see Figure 5), including AK-47 rifles, M4 carbines, RPG-7 rocket launchers, PKMs, Zastava M84s, and a US-made M240 machine gun. Additionally, they possess multiple vehicles, such as two armored Humvee tanks, three armed trucks (two Ford and one Toyota), and at least two Toyota Landcruiser SUVs.
Key Personnel and Alleged Connections to ISKP
Among Khorasani’s close associates is Ahmad Ghazizada Rasooli, a Turkic man who appears to be a significant figure within his unit and is observed with Khorasani in many images and videos (see Figure 6). Most of his men are from Panjshir, with a few from other regions, including Herat.
There have been allegations that Khorasani maintains potential links to the Islamic State Khorasan Province (ISKP). In an interview published in May 2024, Khorasani claimed that both ISKP and the National Resistance Front (NRF) approached him to join their fight against the Taliban after he expressed dissatisfaction with the Taliban’s discriminatory practices.
In July 2024, a video surfaced featuring an individual identified as Abu Omar al-Ansari from Herat, espousing anti-Shia sentiments and justifying the use of violence against Shia Hazaras.
This video was posted by Azizullah Sanjar, a PhD student in Criminal Law, who claimed that al-Ansari had been a key ISKP operative involved in orchestrating attacks against Hazaras.
OSINT analysis has since identified al-Ansari as a member of Khorasani’s unit, further fuelling suspicions about Khorasani’s ties to ISKP. The video appears to have been filmed in front of Khorasani’s villa in Kabul, with al-Ansari wielding a customized AK-47 rifle, which matches the one seen with Khorasani (see Figures 7 and 8).
Khorasani’s Future
The ideological and strategic implications of Khorasani’s current stance are significant. His rhetorical alignment with ISKP’s anti-Shia narrative and continued expressions of loyalty to the Haqqani faction suggest a dual strategy. He might be seeking to maintain his influence within the Taliban’s internal factions while also exploring potential alliances with rival groups like ISKP.
Khorasani’s outspoken criticism of the Taliban’s policies towards ethnic minorities, particularly non-Pashtuns, indicates an ongoing internal power struggle. As a Tajik commander, his dissatisfaction with the Taliban’s Pashtun-centric governance has resulted in threats to defect, although he has yet to make a decisive break from the group.
As of 29 August 2024, Khorasani was reportedly detained, according to Hasht-e-Subh Daily, by the Taliban on orders from Mohammad Hassan Akhund, the Taliban’s Acting Prime Minister, following his controversial statements about Iran. Khorasani had previously referred to the Iranian government as “infidel and oppressive” and called on Afghan migrants to attack Iranians.
Khorasani’s future remains uncertain; whether he will continue to navigate the complex web of Taliban politics or align with a rival group remains to be seen. His actions and affiliations will be critical in understanding the evolving dynamics within Afghanistan’s militant landscape.
Note: Per our privacy policy, sensitive geolocation coordinates have been removed from this OSINT report to respect privacy concerns.
