Recently, reports have surfaced about a man in the Oruzgan province of Afghanistan who has four wives and 52 children (26 sons and 24 daughters). This man, named Mohammad Sadiq, has complained about his dire economic situation, stating that his children only have two meals a day – consisting solely of dry bread. According to a report by Tolonews, Warisa, one of the daughters of this man, has said, “We have nothing; we only eat dry bread. We even eat leftover and stale bread.” Furthermore, Hafizullah, a 19-year-old son of this man who works in a bakery, expressed his wish to attend school instead of working. This article delves into the topic of polygamy and the high fertility rate in Afghanistan and explores why some citizens in this country embrace polygamy and high fertility rates.
According to the National Statistics and Information Authority (NSIA), the annual population growth rate and the total fertility rate in Afghanistan between 2015 and 2020 were higher compared to the global average and the averages of countries in the region (South Asia). The annual population growth rate in the country was 2.14%, and the total fertility rate was 4.41. In contrast, the annual population growth rate in South Asian countries during the mentioned years was 1.20%, with a total fertility rate of 2.40. Globally, the annual population growth rate was 1.09%, and the average total fertility rate was 2.47. Although precise statistics on the annual population growth rate and the average total fertility rate in recent years in Afghanistan are unavailable, indicators suggest that alongside the increase in population growth and fertility rates, the prevalence of polygamy in the country has also significantly risen.
On the other hand, numerous studies have been conducted on the correlation between parental education levels and fertility rates in various countries. The overwhelming majority of these studies have concluded that there is an inverse relationship between parental education and fertility. The higher the level of parental education, the fewer children they tend to have. However, in Afghanistan, social norms dictate that individuals with more children and larger families are perceived as stronger in society, whereas those with fewer (especially fewer sons) are seen as weaker or less influential. There is a famous proverb that says, “Do not be without cousin among your tribe, do not be brotherless among your cousins, and do not be sonless among your brothers.” This proverb signifies that if someone has more cousins among their people, they hold a higher status. Similarly, among cousins, the one with more siblings is heard more, and they are less likely to face resistance or denial of their rights. Consequently, those with more children among brothers have a stronger support base and can more easily have their wishes accepted by their siblings.
Looking back into the past, we find that not only sons but also daughters have played a significant role in the empowerment of traditional Afghan families. Elders of tribes sought to enhance friendship and trust between the two tribes by marrying their sons to daughters of other influential tribes. This custom was prevalent even among the rulers of the Sadozai and Barakzai dynasties. For instance, Ahmad Shah Abdali, among his four marriages, at least two (marriages to Raziya Begum, daughter of Muhammad Shah Ghorakani, and the cousin of Nasir Khan Baloch) were political marriages. Similarly, his son, Timur Shah, had fourteen wives, most of whom were political marriages. Dost Mohammad Khan, another ruler, had fourteen wives, some of whom were politically motivated marriages. One of these marriages was with the daughter of Baqa Khan Kohistani, a mountainous region, through which Dost Mohammad Khan sought to gain the trust of the mountainous elders. Subsequently, he devised a scheme to invite all the mountainous elders (including his father-in-law) to a feast, where he eliminated them. Masouma Esmati has written a book on this subject titled “The Position and Role of Afghan Women from the Late Eighteenth Century to the Late Nineteenth Century.” Despite its shortcomings, this book illustrates numerous examples of such political marriages among tribal leaders, khans, emirs, and past rulers and highlights significant points regarding this matter.
On the other hand, prevailing social norms in Afghanistan dictate that capable men should have more wives. Economically successful men often marry more women, and in many cases, elderly men marry young girls and sometimes even children. These men, by paying significant sums of money to impoverished families, essentially purchase adolescent girls under the guise of marriage. Within these prevailing norms, having more wives and children signifies the prowess of the male head of the family – the undisputed patriarch. At times, these men strive to marry more women due to alliances and mutual interests with their relatives (such as brothers and cousins) to ensure they do not fall behind in intra-family competitions. They seldom contemplate the potential consequences that may befall these women and their children in the future.
Furthermore, the wives of these men – often illiterate or poorly educated – strive to bear more children due to competition among themselves (co-wives) to attract their husband’s attention and ensure their children do not become weak or subordinate compared to their siblings. Consequently, everyone endeavors to bring more children into the world due to intra-family or inter-tribal competitions.
As a concluding remark, it can be inferred that men in families strive to have more wives and children to demonstrate their ability to provide and secure their power in the future through competition and comparison with other men. Similarly, women in these families also strive to have more children to ensure that their sons do not become subordinate to their brothers in the future due to competition with their co-wives. Consequently, all efforts are focused on having more children (especially sons), without much consideration for the rationality of such actions or the potential harm they may cause to the family and society in the future. Perhaps one of the best examples of this kind of competition and procreation is Mohammad Sadiq, who currently struggles to meet the basic needs of his four wives and 52 children, including food and education, but desires to alleviate his economic problems and increase his number of children to 100.
You can read the Persian version of this analysis here:
رقابتهای خانوادهگی؛ دلیل چندهمسری و نرخ بلند فرزندآوری در افغانستان | روزنامه ۸صبح
