The Taliban’s imposition of further media restrictions, particularly the ban on visual programs in several provinces of Afghanistan, has intensified pressure on news activities and journalism, tightening constraints on media organizations. Since the Taliban entered Kabul, media operations in Afghanistan have spiraled downward, facing escalating challenges. With the new decrees from the Ministry for the Propagation of Virtue and Prevention of Vice and their enforcement in various provinces, the situation for journalists has grown increasingly difficult, leaving the future of this profession in Afghanistan shrouded in uncertainty.
The Taliban’s opposition to images is not a recent development. During their initial rule in parts of Afghanistan, the group resisted artistic expressions like images and films, as well as media activities that included images, making this resistance a central part of their policy. This stance emerged even before they reached the capital, stemming from their earlier governance in Kandahar. Their inflexibility on this issue was so severe that destroying musical instruments, dismantling televisions, confiscating video playback devices, and punishing people for using products related to these fields became hallmarks of the Taliban’s identity. The group’s leaders believed that any concession regarding artistic phenomena and new media products would be viewed as a retreat from their principles and ideals, thus undermining their legitimacy.
For fundamentalist groups like the Taliban, the concept of legitimacy diverges significantly from its conventional meaning in today’s world. In contemporary society, political legitimacy primarily relies on the will and choice of the people, followed by the rule of law, and ultimately, the extent of services provided to citizens that enhance their quality of life. However, in the eyes of extremist and fundamentalist groups, legitimacy bears no relation to these issues, and the consent of the populace or attention to their desires holds no place in their political lexicon. The concept of law, as understood in the modern world and seen as a product of legislative bodies, is irrelevant to them and is supplanted by ideological perspectives. The provision of services holds no significance for a group that seizes power through force and violence.
Fundamentalist groups base their legitimacy on ideological foundations, adhering solely to those principles. The Taliban justified their struggle against the previous government of Afghanistan by claiming that the regime did not follow Islamic principles, that Sharia was not implemented correctly, and that society had not been organized according to their definition of religious values. They argued that fighting against such a regime constituted a religious jihad that must continue until it was overthrown and replaced with a government that considered implementing Sharia its duty. After seizing control of Afghanistan, the Taliban began to fulfill the promises made to their fighters and the extremist groups supporting them.
The Taliban have never promised the people of Afghanistan a better life, an improved economy, the construction of more infrastructure, or a more advanced educational system for the country’s children. They have not committed to better factories for enhancing domestic production, more opportunities for entrepreneurship, improved regulations for imports and exports, enhanced conditions for attracting foreign investment, better tourism programs, elevated foreign relations, or a higher status for Afghanistan in the eyes of the world. None of the promises that conventional governments and political parties make to their citizens appeared on this group’s agenda.
The Taliban are not a conventional group, and their promises fundamentally do not aim at the people, indicating that there was no consideration for the populace or their satisfaction in their calculations. For armed fundamentalist groups, what matters and forms the backbone of their agenda is the combat force and their ideological supporters. Throughout these years, the Taliban have focused on indoctrinating segments of the youth, manipulating public opinion, and garnering support from al-Qaeda and similar groups, directing their promises toward these specific audiences. They have assured their supporters that upon victory, they would enforce Sharia as interpreted by them, eradicate what they perceive as manifestations of vice and immorality, restrict women from social activities, suppress political parties and civil institutions, curtail press freedom, and neutralize influential social figures.
The Taliban’s current policy toward the media is part of a broader strategy regarding the rights and fundamental freedoms of the people, with the intensifying restrictions placed on media aligning with the group’s ideological commitments. Under such a regime, Afghanistan drifts further away from civil life each day, becoming a broader arena for the onslaught of extremist elements and fundamentalist groups. If significant pressures are not applied to this group and financial support continues, in the medium term, it will paralyze any form of free and non-governmental activity, and in the long term, it will implement a complete social engineering project in Afghanistan. In an ideologically engineered society, there will be no place for art, no justification for the continuation of free media, and no meaning for advocating and defending the rights of the people.
In Taliban-controlled Afghanistan, voices and images are fading, and natural life is on the decline. What is occurring in this regard marks the beginning of a long and arduous process rather than its conclusion. Individuals and groups advocating for the rights of the people must prepare for a strenuous struggle that may last for years if not generations. Short-term tactical actions will not yield fundamental changes in this group’s approach, and more substantial means must be sought to defend the people of the country, with readiness to bear the associated costs.
You can read the Persian version of this editorial here:
