When the Afghan Taliban, with direct support from the Pakistani government and military, took control of Afghanistan, Islamabad and Rawalpindi expected the group to prevent the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) from using Afghan soil against Pakistani interests. From the birth of the Taliban, Pakistan had closely cooperated with them, and after the group’s resurgence, Pakistan’s then-ISI chief, General Faiz Hameed, traveled to Kabul. After having tea at the Kabul Serena Hotel, he played a key role in forming the Taliban’s cabinet. Imran Khan Niazi, Pakistan’s Prime Minister at the time, expressed happiness over the fall of the Afghan government to the Taliban, and Pakistan’s diplomatic activities continued in Kabul and other provinces of Afghanistan. Since then, numerous visits between the two sides have taken place, involving military, religious, and diplomatic delegations. On the international stage, Pakistan still acts as the spokesperson for the Taliban. Pakistani representatives at the United Nations and other global forums speak in a manner that makes it seem as though they are representing the Taliban. All of this highlights the depth and breadth of the Taliban-Pakistan relationship, while also demonstrating the mutual dependence between the two. The Afghan Taliban, unable to have an official presence in international forums, rely on Pakistani lobbyists, while Islamabad depends on the Taliban’s cooperation due to the presence of TTP leaders and fighters in Afghanistan.
Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP) and the Afghan Taliban share a unified strategy and a common goal, leading them to cooperate across both geographies. While some Afghan Taliban members harbor dreams of erasing the Durand Line and merging large parts of Pakistani territory into Afghanistan—an ambition they sometimes express through various pretexts, such as map drawing—each branch has its distinct project and operates within its specific territory. Nonetheless, their shared goals and ideology compel these two branches to collaborate across borders to advance both projects. The common objective of both branches is to establish a religious-ethnic government, something the Afghan Taliban have already achieved, and which the Pakistani Taliban are also pursuing. Along the way, they assist one another wherever needed and wherever possible. Recently, media reports have highlighted small but concrete examples of this cooperation.
According to some reports, TTP members hold official roles within Afghan Taliban-controlled government institutions, collect taxes and tithes in certain regions, and have a notable presence at checkpoints in the two provinces of Paktia and Paktika. Additionally, in the southern and eastern provinces of Afghanistan, Afghan Taliban and TTP fighters have jointly carried out operations, such as collecting the red caps that symbolize the Pashtun Protection Movement (PTM) in Pakistan. Both branches of the Taliban currently oppose the PTM’s policies. Both groups expected the recent large PTM gathering in Khyber to voice opposition to Pakistan’s geography. Even TTP, which was actively fighting the Pakistani army, declared a temporary ceasefire to ensure the peaceful conduct of the gathering. However, contrary to the expectations of both Taliban branches, the PTM gathering issued declarations against them. The main speakers, including Manzoor Pashteen, the leader of Pakistan’s PTM, criticized the Afghan Taliban for human rights violations, such as banning girls’ education and failing to establish an inclusive government, and called for the reopening of schools and universities for girls. The PTM also demanded that the TTP leave Khyber Pakhtunkhwa alongside the Pakistani army. These decisions went against the expectations of both Taliban factions, and since then, both groups have punished anyone who wears the symbolic PTM cap.
Another example of cooperation between the two Taliban branches comes from Pakistan. On September 29, a report surfaced that an Afghan Taliban fighter was killed in a clash with Pakistani security forces in Khyber Pakhtunkhwa. The individual, identified as Qari Safiullah from Laghman, Afghanistan, was part of the Afghan Taliban. Previously, a Taliban member in Kunduz had mentioned that hundreds of Afghan Taliban were fighting alongside the TTP against the Pakistani army. Additionally, reports have emerged suggesting that TTP has pledged allegiance to Mullah Hibatullah, the Afghan Taliban’s supreme leader. Some Pakistani politicians, including Afrasiab Khattak, have frequently raised this issue. Considering the above points, and the fact that TTP leaders and fighters live in designated settlements in Afghanistan, it is undeniable that the two Taliban factions are cooperating.
The Pakistani Taliban are influenced by, and in some cases, even subordinate to, the Afghan Taliban. In this regard, Islamabad’s expectations of the Afghan Taliban have not been met, occasionally leading to tensions between the two sides. It appears that the Afghan Taliban are repaying a debt to the Pakistani Taliban. During the Afghan Republic era, the TTP fought alongside the Afghan Taliban against the Afghan government, and now that they need manpower for their fight against the Pakistani government, the Afghan Taliban are repaying that debt. Additionally, both groups share the common goal of establishing an Islamic-ethnic regime in their respective countries. It seems that as long as these groups continue to advance the projects of their financial backers, they will maintain their mutual ties and support each other at specific times and in specific places. There is no doubt that neither of these groups would have gained access to such substantial military and financial resources without external support.
You can read the Persian version of this analysis here:
تیتیپی و طالبان افغانستان؛ پروژههای جداگانه، کار مشترک | روزنامه ۸صبح
